The latest news, analysis and opinion ✓ NEWS of the WORLD incorporates The Invisible Man XaX ✓ For back posts, see http://cyberianz.blogspot.com and https://invisiblepaul.blogspot.com ✓ The editor does not necessarily agree with opinions expressed on this site, though often he does.
Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.
At 81, Anthony Fauci remains an impressive talker. Iffff you don't listen too closely or are unaware of the amazing flipflops and zigzags he has taken during his tenure as the Preeminent Covid Big Shot.
But cognitive diminishment need not take the form of a lot of senior moments. Those senior moments mask temporary confusion, as memory circuits short out. But a person with a long career in an intellectual discipline such as virology might easily be more adept at staving off obvious confusion. That person may have better than average built-in resistance. But Mother Nature will find ways to exact her age tax -- though a few may succeed at avoiding it.
Has Fauci avoided that demanding Mother? Though his public statements seem plausible when taken piecemeal, when glued together they disclose a man who has little grasp of basic logic, let alone advanced scientific reasoning.
He is not known as Old Dr. ZigZag for nothing.
Already epidemiologists and other experts from across the political spectrum are beginning to push back against what they see as just plain rubbish coming from a clever, but silly, old man.
Essentially, we are confronted with two possibilities:
1. Fauci is an extremely amoral, cunning politician with no regard for ethical medicine or American liberty, or
2. He is a very confused elderly man trying to cling to his status at any cost.
America has come to a strange pass when she has a cognitively disabled senior in the presidency and another, who is either an evil genius or a cognitively disabled doctor touting the blessings of autocratic covid measures.
☑ Covid chief never tells the vulnerable, if you get sick, get treatment -- before it's too late, doctor senator tells dad Ron. ☑ Says push on vaxx undercuts need for urgent treatment during critical time window.
☑ By de-emphasizing natural immunity, Rand says, top doc has caused vaccine shortages for the immune-weak. ☑ Says doctors complain of intimidation for opposing mandates or using meds not approved for covid in attempts to treat those in danger.
☑ One-size-fits-all is a new phenomenon in American medicine, senator charges.
☑ Scientists, doctors are pressured to keep quiet by Fauci's control of federal grant money, he says.
NEWS of the WORLD agrees that it is important to help independent media stay afloat, whether on the left (where Activism Munich stands), on the right, libertarian, real liberal (not inflexible stifle-the-right liberal) or any other dissenting voice.
Activism Munich has done strong work in defending the press freedom of Julian Assange and opposing the ever-morphing fabricated case against him. So, the organization's videos are being squeezed off Youtube in an effort to block a voice targeted by Deep State "liberals." The result is a sneaky way of demonetizing the group's videos.
In this Dec. 10, 2021, photo provided by Sandra Hooker, from left, Avalinn Rackley, 7, Alanna Rackley, 3, and Annistyn Rackley, 9, pose for a picture in a bathroom in their home near Caruthersville, Missouri. Annistyn, a third-grader who loved swimming, dancing and cheerleading, was among dozens of people who died because of the severe storm on Friday, Dec. 10. A tornado hit her home and splintered it less than a week after the family had moved in, and, according to the relative who received the photo of the girl in the bathtub, it carried family members dozens of yards before dropping them in a muddy field.
(Meghan Rackley/Courtesy of Sandra Hooker via AP)
A Mississippi River town family snapped a picture of their three young daughters, who were all smiles as all took shelter in a windowless bathroom. Fifteen minutes later, the house was torn to shreds and the family ended up in a field of mud.
Nine-year-old Annistyn Rackley, seen in the photo holding her favorite doll, was dead.
Sandra Hooker, the woman to whom Annistyn's mom texted the photo before the storm hit, relayed the story to the Associated Press, with details Hooker said were filled in by first responders and the girls' father.
Hooker said 7-year-old Avalinn told doctors she flew around “in the tornado."
“Their house is splintered,” Hooker told the AP during a telephone interview. "There's debris strewn forever out in the field, and so they were sucked up into the tornado."
Carruthers is a town in Missouri's boot heel, where Missouri borders Tennessee.
This story came from Weather.com and the AP, which control rights of reproduction. As it would be a simple matter to rewite this story, which we haven't taken time to do, it is assumed those two media organizations won't assert control.
The National Weather Service today confirmed that a tornado hit an area in Stone County during Friday night’s storms.
The EF1 twister, with a 90-mph wind vortex, touched down at 7:40 p.m. Fiday in the vicinity of Missouri 13 and Ance Creek Road, KY3 said. The tornado damaged a poor neighborhood of Branson West, KY3 reported.
After touchdown, the twister traveled two-thirds of a mile over a period of less than five minutes, KY3 learned from
the weather service.
There were no reports of deaths or injuries. Observable damage was minor.
The weather service also confirmed that a second tornado struck Friday night near another town, Niangua, which is 70 miles northeast of Branson West. That EF1 whirlwind
hit east of Niangua, which lies just outside the Ozarks hill country, around 6:15 p.m. After landing, the twister traveled into nearby Wright County, leaving in its wake many damaged outbuildings and snapped trees, KY3 said.
The prospect of high-level U.S. intelligence officials being called as defense witnesses in a trial of Julian Assange is sending shivers down the spines of prosecutors.
That prospect arises from the pledge of Assange's chief U.S. lawyer to use an investigative report by Yahoo News on CIA schemes as a basis for Assange's defense. A strong related possibility is that three Yahoo reporters will be subpenaed and ordered by a court to name their sources, who would then be deposed by the defense team.
Yahoo News reporters Zach Dorfman, Sean D. Naylor and Michael Isikoff said they had spoken with 30 former U.S. officials, including some at the National Security Council level, in their detailed expose of a 2017 CIA push to capture or kill Assange, who was still residing in the Ecuadorian embassy in London. The CIA, they said, even contemplated shootouts with Russian agents on London's streets to prevent them from interfering in the CIA's "capture or kill" mission.
The Justice Department eventually prevailed and brought the plans to a halt, Yahoo was told.
It is unlikely that former President Trump would be deposed or called to testify as presidents and ex-presidents are considered to be generally immune from such judicial actions. Trump told Yahoo News that he thought that Assange had been treated badly. Yahoo News had nothing on whether the "capture or kill" debate reached Trump.
Thus far, neither Chuck Schumer, a New York Democrat and Senate majority leader, nor Nancy Pelosi, a California Democrat and House speaker, have called for a special counsel to investigate any breach of classification laws wrought by Yahoo's sources. But as the political situation heats up, such calls may be heard, not only from Democrats still smarting from Assange's aid to Trump's campaign but from politicians on the Republican right who agree with the views of former Trump CIA chief Mike Pompeo.
Covert action against Ellsberg cited
Barry J. Pollack, Assange’s lawyer, told Yahoo News in September that if Assange is extradited to face trial, “the extreme nature of the type of government misconduct that you’re reporting would certainly be an issue and potentially grounds for dismissal.” He likened the measures used to target Assange to those deployed by the Nixon administration against Daniel Ellsberg for leaking the Pentagon Papers, noting that the charges against Ellsberg were ultimately dismissed.
Two men who will doubtless evoke speculation are John Bolton, a Trump national security adviser who left his post under a cloud, and Eric Ciaramella,
a CIA analyst attached to the National Security Council who is believed to have leaked anti-Trump information to the press and to congressional Democrats.
Were these disgruntled men sources for the Yahoo News team?
Other possible defense moves:
✓ Urge that, before a trial, Assange be granted a reasonable or zero bail bond in order to keep him out of jail so that he can recover from stress -- imposed by long years of lockup -- in order to assist his own defense. The prosecution may agree, on condition that Assange wear an electronic monitoring ankle bracelet.
✓ Urge that the case be vacated on ground that Assange has already endured more punishment than the alleged crimes merit.
Yahoo News has reported that:
Begin Yahoo News excerpt
William S. Sessions, President Trump’s “very, very anti-Assange” attorney general, was opposed to the CIA’s encroachment onto Justice Department territory, and believed that the WikiLeaks founder’s case was best handled through legal channels, said a former official.
Clash of priorities
Sessions’ concerns mirrored the tensions between the ramped-up intelligence collection and disruption efforts aimed at WikiLeaks, and the Justice Department’s goal of convicting Assange in open court, according to former officials. The more aggressive the CIA’s proposals became, the more other U.S. officials worried about what the discovery process might reveal if Assange were to face trial in the United States.
“I was part of every one of those conversations,” William Evanina, who retired as the U.S.’s top counterintelligence official in early 2021, told Yahoo News. “As much as we had the greener light to go do things, everything we did or wanted to do had repercussions in other parts of the administration.” As a result, he said, sometimes administration officials would ask the intelligence community to either not do something or do it differently, so that “we don’t have to sacrifice our collection that’s going to be released publicly by the bureau to indict WikiLeaks.”
Eventually, those within the administration arguing for an approach based in the courts, rather than on espionage and covert action, won the policy debate. On April 11, 2019, after Ecuador’s new government revoked his asylum and evicted him, British police carried the WikiLeaks founder out of the embassy and arrested him for failing to surrender to the court over a warrant issued in 2012. The U.S. government unsealed its initial indictment of Assange the same day.
End of Yahoo News excerpt
Even so, Assange's defense is likely to argue that it has a right to any materials and testimony that point to government misconduct on ground that the prosecution case was not lodged in good faith. The fact that the prosecution kept changing the charges, thus shifting the goalpost for Assange's defense, will be seen as reinforcing the "hidden agenda" claim, though judges often will not permit such a claim. But, in this case, the discovery process could easily provide strong evidence validating such a claim.
In a Dec. 10 AP story headlined UK opens door to Assange extradition to US on spying charges, reporters Danica Kirka and Jill Lawless
write:
Barry J. Pollack, a lawyer for Assange in the U.S., called Friday’s decision “highly disturbing,” citing unfounded allegations that the U.S. plotted to kidnap or kill his client.
You have to know something about the news business in America to realize that the phrase "unfounded allegations" implies that either the reporters or their editor were making a strong effort to protect the CIA and undermine Assange's position.
The allegations derive from an investigative news report written by a team of Yahoo reporters under the direction of veteran investigative reporter Michael Isikoff.
It's true that Isikoff has a leftwing political orientation. Yet, he has a solid record as a reporter and it is very unlikely that he and his investigative reporting team have been sold a huge bill of goods. To say that the story is based on "unfounded allegations" is a sly way of saying that the reporting team used anonymous sources. True, we are compelled to trust that they have been careful with their high-level government contacts. But when AP doesn't even cite a "Yahoo news report" but uses the phrase "unfounded allegations," it is clear that the news service is trying to persuade readers that the Yahoo report is at the level of -- heaven forfend -- conspiracy theory (gasp!).
Yahoo pointed out:
This Yahoo News investigation, based on conversations with more than 30 former U.S. officials — eight of whom described details of the CIA’s proposals to abduct Assange — reveals for the first time one of the most contentious intelligence debates of the Trump presidency and exposes new details about the U.S. government’s war on WikiLeaks. It was a campaign spearheaded by Pompeo that bent important legal strictures, potentially jeopardized the Justice Department’s work toward prosecuting Assange, and risked a damaging episode in the United Kingdom, the United States’ closest ally.
The Yahoo report says,
"At the CIA, the new designation meant Assange and WikiLeaks would go from “a target of collection to a target of disruption,” said a former senior CIA official."
By this, if a reporter or writer is said to be operating as a non-state intelligence service, he or she can be mercilessly harassed -- forget about due process of law.
The Yahoo News report follows:
Kidnaping, assassination and a London shootout: Inside the CIA's secret war plans against WikiLeaks
By Zach Dorfman, Sean D. Naylor and Michael Isikoff
Yahoo News
Sept. 26, 2021
In 2017, as Julian Assange began his fifth year holed up in Ecuador’s embassy in London, the CIA plotted to kidnap the WikiLeaks founder, spurring heated debate among Trump administration officials over the legality and practicality of such an operation.
Some senior officials inside the CIA and the Trump administration even discussed killing Assange, going so far as to request “sketches” or “options” for how to assassinate him. Discussions over kidnaping or killing Assange occurred “at the highest levels” of the Trump administration, said a former senior counterintelligence official. “There seemed to be no boundaries.”
The conversations were part of an unprecedented CIA campaign directed against WikiLeaks and its founder. The agency’s multipronged plans also included extensive spying on WikiLeaks associates, sowing discord among the group’s members, and stealing their electronic devices.
While Assange had been on the radar of U.S. intelligence agencies for years, these plans for an all-out war against him were sparked by WikiLeaks’ ongoing publication of extraordinarily sensitive CIA hacking tools, known collectively as “Vault 7,” which the agency ultimately concluded represented “the largest data loss in CIA history.”
Pompeo 'wanted revenge'
President Trump’s newly installed CIA director, Mike Pompeo, was seeking revenge on WikiLeaks and Assange, who had sought refuge in the Ecuadorian Embassy since 2012 to avoid extradition to Sweden on rape allegations he denied. Pompeo and other top agency leaders “were completely detached from reality because they were so embarrassed about Vault 7,” said a former Trump national security official. “They were seeing blood.”
The CIA’s fury at WikiLeaks led Pompeo to publicly describe the group in 2017 as a “non-state hostile intelligence service.” More than just a provocative talking point, the designation opened the door for agency operatives to take far more aggressive actions, treating the organization as it does adversary spy services, former intelligence officials told Yahoo News. Within months, U.S. spies were monitoring the communications and movements of numerous WikiLeaks personnel, including audio and visual surveillance of Assange himself, according to former officials.
The CIA declined to comment. Pompeo did not respond to requests for comment.
“As an American citizen, I find it absolutely outrageous that our government would be contemplating kidnaping or assassinating somebody without any judicial process simply because he had published truthful information,” Barry Pollack, Assange’s U.S. lawyer, told Yahoo News.
Assange is now housed in a London prison as the courts there decide on a U.S. request to extradite the WikiLeaks founder on charges of attempting to help former U.S. Army analyst Chelsea Manning break into a classified computer network and conspiring to obtain and publish classified documents in violation of the Espionage Act.
“My hope and expectation is that the U.K. courts will consider this information and it will further bolster its decision not to extradite to the U.S.,” Pollack added.
There is no indication that the most extreme measures targeting Assange were ever approved, in part because of objections from White House lawyers, but the agency’s WikiLeaks proposals so worried some administration officials that they quietly reached out to staffers and members of Congress on the House and Senate intelligence committees to alert them to what Pompeo was suggesting. “There were serious intel oversight concerns that were being raised through this escapade,” said a Trump national security official.
Some National Security Council officials worried that the CIA’s proposals to kidnap Assange would not only be illegal but also might jeopardize the prosecution of the WikiLeaks founder. Concerned the CIA’s plans would derail a potential criminal case, the Justice Department expedited the drafting of charges against Assange to ensure that they were in place if he were brought to the United States.
Fears of escape
In late 2017, in the midst of the debate over kidnaping and other extreme measures, the agency’s plans were upended when U.S. officials picked up what they viewed as alarming reports that Russian intelligence operatives were preparing to sneak Assange out of the United Kingdom and spirit him away to Moscow.
The intelligence reporting about a possible breakout was viewed as credible at the highest levels of the U.S. government. At the time, Ecuadorian officials had begun efforts to grant Assange diplomatic status as part of a scheme to give him cover to leave the embassy and fly to Moscow to serve in the country’s Russian mission.
WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange appears at the window of the Ecuadorean Embassy in London on Feb. 5, 2016. (Kirsty Wigglesworth/AP)
In response, the CIA and the White House began preparing for a number of scenarios to foil Assange’s Russian departure plans, according to three former officials. Those included potential gun battles with Kremlin operatives on the streets of London, crashing a car into a Russian diplomatic vehicle transporting Assange and then grabbing him, and shooting out the tires of a Russian plane carrying Assange before it could take off for Moscow. (U.S. officials asked their British counterparts to do the shooting if gunfire was required, and the British agreed, according to a former senior administration official.)
“We had all sorts of reasons to believe he was contemplating getting the hell out of there,” said the former senior administration official, adding that one report said Assange might try to escape the embassy hidden in a laundry cart. “It was going to be like a prison break movie.”
The intrigue over a potential Assange escape set off a wild scramble among rival spy services in London. American, British and Russian agencies, among others, stationed undercover operatives around the Ecuadorian Embassy. In the Russians’ case, it was to facilitate a breakout. For the U.S. and allied services, it was to block such an escape. “It was beyond comical,” said the former senior official. “It got to the point where every human being in a three-block radius was working for one of the intelligence services — whether they were street sweepers or police officers or security guards.”
'Going to get ugly'
White House officials briefed Trump and warned him that the matter could provoke an international incident — or worse. “We told him, this is going to get ugly,” said the former official.
As the debate over WikiLeaks intensified, some in the White House worried that the campaign against the organization would end up “weakening America,” as one Trump national security official put it, by lowering barriers that prevent the government from targeting mainstream journalists and news organizations, said former officials.
The fear at the National Security Council, the former official said, could be summed up as, “Where does this stop?”
When WikiLeaks launched its website in December 2006, it was a nearly unprecedented model: Anyone anywhere could submit materials anonymously for publication. And they did, on topics ranging from secret fraternity rites to details of the U.S. government’s Guantánamo Bay detainee operations.
Yet Assange, the lanky Australian activist who led the organization, didn’t get much attention until 2010, when WikiLeaks released gun camera footage of a 2007 airstrike by U.S. Army helicopters in Baghdad that killed at least a dozen people, including two Reuters journalists, and wounded two young children. The Pentagon had refused to release the dramatic video, but someone had provided it to WikiLeaks.
WikiLeaks releases leaked 2007 footage of a U.S. Apache helicopter fatally shooting a group of men at a public square in eastern Baghdad. (U.S. Military via Wikileaks.org)
Later that year, WikiLeaks also published several caches of classified and sensitive U.S. government documents related to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as well as more than 250,000 U.S. diplomatic cables. Assange was hailed in some circles as a hero and in others as a villain. For U.S. intelligence and law enforcement agencies, the question was how to deal with the group, which operated differently than typical news outlets. “The problem posed by WikiLeaks was, there wasn’t anything like it,” said a former intelligence official.
How to define WikiLeaks has long confounded everyone from government officials to press advocates. Some view it as an independent journalistic institution, while others have asserted it is a handmaiden to foreign spy services.
Who gets to define journalism?
“They’re not a journalistic organization, they’re nowhere near it,” William Evanina, who retired as the U.S.’s top counterintelligence official in early 2021, told Yahoo News in an interview. Evanina declined to discuss specific U.S. proposals regarding Assange or WikiLeaks.
But the Obama administration, fearful of the consequences for press freedom — and chastened by the blowback from its own aggressive leak hunts — restricted investigations into Assange and WikiLeaks. “We were stagnated for years,” said Evanina. “There was a reticence in the Obama administration at a high level to allow agencies to engage in” certain kinds of intelligence collection against WikiLeaks, including signals and cyber operations, he said.
That began to change in 2013, when Edward Snowden, a National Security Agency contractor, fled to Hong Kong with a massive trove of classified materials, some of which revealed that the U.S. government was illegally spying on Americans. WikiLeaks helped arrange Snowden’s escape to Russia from Hong Kong. A WikiLeaks editor also accompanied Snowden to Russia, staying with him during his 39-day enforced stay at a Moscow airport and living with him for three months after Russia granted Snowden asylum.
In the wake of the Snowden revelations, the Obama administration allowed the intelligence community to prioritize collection on WikiLeaks, according to Evanina, now the CEO of the Evanina Group. Previously, if the FBI needed a search warrant to go into the group’s databases in the United States or wanted to use subpoena power or a national security letter to gain access to WikiLeaks-related financial records, “that wasn’t going to happen,” another former senior counterintelligence official said. “That changed after 2013.”
From that point onward, U.S. intelligence worked closely with friendly spy agencies to build a picture of WikiLeaks’ network of contacts “and tie it back to hostile state intelligence services,” Evanina said. The CIA assembled a group of analysts known unofficially as “the WikiLeaks team” in its Office of Transnational Issues, with a mission to examine the organization, according to a former agency official.
Still chafing at the limits in place, top intelligence officials lobbied the White House to redefine WikiLeaks — and some high-profile journalists — as “information brokers,” which would have opened up the use of more investigative tools against them, potentially paving the way for their prosecution, according to former officials. It “was a step in the direction of showing a court, if we got that far, that we were dealing with agents of a foreign power,” a former senior counterintelligence official said.
Greenwald eyed as information trafficker
Among the journalists some U.S. officials wanted to designate as “information brokers” were Glenn Greenwald, then a columnist for the Guardian, and Laura Poitras, a documentary filmmaker, who had both been instrumental in publishing documents provided by Snowden.
“Is WikiLeaks a journalistic outlet? Are Laura Poitras and Glenn Greenwald truly journalists?” the former official said. “We tried to change the definition of them, and I preached this to the White House, and got rejected.”
The Obama administration’s policy was, “If there’s published works out there, doesn’t matter the venue, then we have to treat them as First-Amendment-protected individuals,” the former senior counterintelligence official said. “There were some exceptions to that rule, but they were very, very, very few and far between.” WikiLeaks, the administration decided, did not fit that exception.
In a statement to Yahoo News, Poitras said reported attempts to classify herself, Greenwald and Assange as “information brokers” rather than journalists are “bone-chilling and a threat to journalists worldwide.”
“That the CIA also conspired to seek the rendition and extrajudicial assassination of Julian Assange is a state-sponsored crime against the press,” she added.
“I am not the least bit surprised that the CIA, a longtime authoritarian and antidemocratic institution, plotted to find a way to criminalize journalism and spy on and commit other acts of aggression against journalists,” Greenwald told Yahoo News.
By 2015, WikiLeaks was the subject of an intense debate over whether the organization should be targeted by law enforcement or spy agencies. Some argued that the FBI should have sole responsibility for investigating WikiLeaks, with no role for the CIA or the NSA. The Justice Department, in particular, was “very protective” of its authorities over whether to charge Assange and whether to treat WikiLeaks “like a media outlet,” said Robert Litt, the intelligence community’s senior lawyer during the Obama administration.
Then, in the summer of 2016, at the height of the presidential election season, came a seismic episode in the U.S. government’s evolving approach to WikiLeaks, when the website began publishing Democratic Party emails. The U.S. intelligence community later concluded [not unanimously] that the Russian military intelligence agency known as the GRU had hacked the emails [1].
In response to the leak, the NSA began surveilling the Twitter accounts of the suspected Russian intelligence operatives who were disseminating the leaked Democratic Party emails, according to a former CIA official. This collection revealed direct messages between the operatives, who went by the moniker Guccifer 2.0, and WikiLeaks’ Twitter account. Assange at the time steadfastly denied that the Russian government was the source for the emails, which were also published by mainstream news organizations.
Thou shalt only take from approved sources
Even so, Assange’s [apparent] communication with the suspected operatives settled the matter for some U.S. officials. The events of 2016 “really crystallized” U.S. intelligence officials’ belief that the WikiLeaks founder “was acting in collusion with people who were using him to hurt the interests of the United States,” said Litt.
After the publication of the Democratic Party emails, there was “zero debate” on the issue of whether the CIA would increase its spying on WikiLeaks, said a former intelligence official. But there was still “sensitivity on how we would collect on them,” the former official added.
The CIA now considered people affiliated with WikiLeaks valid targets for various types of spying, including close-in technical collection — such as bugs — sometimes enabled by in-person espionage, and “remote operations,” meaning, among other things, the hacking of WikiLeaks members’ devices from afar, according to former intelligence officials.
The Obama administration’s view of WikiLeaks underwent what Evanina described as a “sea change” shortly before Donald Trump, helped in part by WikiLeaks’ release of Democratic campaign emails, won a surprise victory over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 election.
As Trump’s national security team took their positions at the Justice Department and the CIA, officials wondered whether, despite his campaign trail declaration of “love” for WikiLeaks, Trump’s appointees would take a more hard-line view of the organization. They were not to be disappointed.
“There was a fundamental change on how [WikiLeaks was] viewed,” said a former senior counterintelligence official. When it came to prosecuting Assange — something the Obama administration had declined to do — the Trump White House had a different approach, said a former Justice Department official. “Nobody in that crew was going to be too broken up about the First Amendment issues.”
On April 13, 2017, wearing a U.S. flag pin on the left lapel of his dark gray suit, Pompeo strode to the podium at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a Washington think tank, to deliver to a standing-room-only crowd his first public remarks as Trump’s CIA director.
Pompeo's revenge speech
Rather than use the platform to give an overview of global challenges or to lay out any bureaucratic changes he was planning to make at the agency, Pompeo devoted much of his speech to the threat posed by WikiLeaks.
“WikiLeaks walks like a hostile intelligence service and talks like a hostile intelligence service and has encouraged its followers to find jobs at the CIA in order to obtain intelligence,” he said.
“It’s time to call out WikiLeaks for what it really is: a non-state hostile intelligence service often abetted by state actors like Russia,” he continued.
It had been barely five weeks since WikiLeaks had stunned the CIA when it announced it had obtained a massive tranche of files — which it dubbed “Vault 7” — from the CIA’s ultrasecret hacking division. Despite the CIA’s ramped up collection on WikiLeaks, the announcement came as a complete surprise to the agency, but as soon as the organization posted the first materials on its website, the CIA knew it was facing a catastrophe.
Vault 7 “hurt the agency to its core,” said a former CIA official. Agency officials “used to laugh about WikiLeaks,” mocking the State Department and the Pentagon for allowing so much material to escape their control.
Pompeo, apparently fearful of the president’s wrath, was initially reluctant to even brief the president on Vault 7, according to a former senior Trump administration official. “Don’t tell him, he doesn’t need to know,” Pompeo told one briefer, before being advised that the information was too critical and the president had to be informed, said the former official.
Irate senior FBI and NSA officials repeatedly demanded interagency meetings to determine the scope of the damage caused by Vault 7, according to another former national security official.
The NSA believed that, although the leak revealed only CIA hacking operations, it could also give countries like Russia or China clues about NSA targets and methods, said this former official.
Pompeo’s aggressive tone at CSIS reflected his “brash attitude,” said a former senior intelligence official. “He would want to push the limits as much as he could” during his tenure as CIA director, the former official said.
The Trump administration was sending more signals that it would no longer be bound by the Obama administration’s self-imposed restrictions regarding WikiLeaks. For some U.S. intelligence officials, this was a welcome change. “There was immense hostility to WikiLeaks in the beginning from the intelligence community,” said Litt.
Vault 7 prompted “a brand-new mindset with the administration for rethinking how to look at WikiLeaks as an adversarial actor,” Evanina said. “That was new, and it was refreshing for the intelligence community and the law enforcement community.” Updates on Assange were frequently included in Trump’s President’s Daily Brief, a top-secret document prepared by U.S. intelligence agencies that summarizes the day’s most critical national security issues, according to a former national security official.
The immediate question facing Pompeo and the CIA was how to hit back against WikiLeaks and Assange. Agency officials found the answer in a legal sleight of hand. Usually, for U.S. intelligence to secretly interfere with the activities of any foreign actor, the president must sign a document called a “finding” that authorizes such covert action, which must also be briefed to the House and Senate intelligence committees. In very sensitive cases, notification is limited to Congress’s so-called Gang of Eight — the four leaders of the House and Senate, plus the chairperson and ranking member of the two committees.
Loophole for ditching a person's rights
But there is an important carveout. Many of the same actions, if taken against another spy service, are considered “offensive counterintelligence” activities, which the CIA is allowed to conduct without getting a presidential finding or having to brief Congress, according to several former intelligence officials.
Often, the CIA makes these decisions internally, based on interpretations of so-called “common law” passed down in secret within the agency’s legal corps. “I don’t think people realize how much [the] CIA can do under offensive [counterintelligence] and how there is minimal oversight of it,” said a former official.
The difficulty in proving that WikiLeaks was operating at the direct behest of the Kremlin was a major factor behind the CIA’s move to designate the group as a hostile intelligence service, according to a former senior counterintelligence official. “There was a lot of legal debate on: Are they operating as a Russian agent?” said the former official. “It wasn’t clear they were, so the question was, can it be reframed on them being a hostile entity.”
Intelligence community lawyers decided that it could. When Pompeo declared WikiLeaks “a non-state hostile intelligence service,” he was neither speaking off the cuff nor repeating a phrase concocted by a CIA speechwriter. “That phrase was chosen advisedly and reflected the view of the administration,” a former Trump administration official said.
But Pompeo’s declaration surprised Litt, who had left his position as general counsel of the Office of the Director for National Intelligence less than three months previously. “Based on the information that I had seen, I thought he was out over his skis on that,” Litt said.
For many senior intelligence officials, however, Pompeo’s designation of WikiLeaks was a positive step. “We all agreed that WikiLeaks was a hostile intelligence organization and should be dealt with accordingly,” said a former senior CIA official.
Soon after the speech, Pompeo asked a small group of senior CIA officers to figure out “the art of the possible” when it came to WikiLeaks, said another former senior CIA official. “He said, ‘Nothing’s off limits, don’t self-censor yourself. I need operational ideas from you. I’ll worry about the lawyers in Washington.’” CIA headquarters in Langley, Va., sent messages directing CIA stations and bases worldwide to prioritize collection on WikiLeaks, according to the former senior agency official.
Now we'll get you!
The CIA’s designation of WikiLeaks as a non-state hostile intelligence service enabled “the doubling down of efforts globally and domestically on collection” against the group, Evanina said. Those efforts included tracking the movements and communications of Assange and other top WikiLeaks figures by “tasking more on the tech side, recruiting more on the human side,” said another former senior counterintelligence official.
This was no easy task. WikiLeaks associates were “super-paranoid people,” and the CIA estimated that only a handful of individuals had access to the Vault 7 materials the agency wanted to retrieve, said a former intelligence official. Those individuals employed security measures that made obtaining the information difficult, including keeping it on encrypted drives that they either carried on their persons or locked in safes, according to former officials.
WikiLeaks claimed it had published only a fraction of the Vault 7 documents in its possession. So, what if U.S. intelligence found a tranche of those unpublished materials online? At the White House, officials began planning for that scenario. Could the United States launch a cyberattack on a server being used by WikiLeaks to house these documents?
Officials weren’t sure if the Defense Department had the authority to do so at the time, absent the president’s signature. Alternatively, they suggested, perhaps the CIA could carry out the same action under the agency’s offensive counterintelligence powers. After all, officials reasoned, the CIA would be erasing its own documents. However, U.S. spies never located a copy of the unpublished Vault 7 materials online, so the discussion was ultimately moot, according to a former national security official.
Nonetheless, the CIA had some successes. By mid-2017, U.S. spies had excellent intelligence on numerous WikiLeaks members and associates, not just on Assange, said former officials. This included what these individuals were saying and who they were saying it to, where they were traveling or going to be at a given date and time, and what platforms these individuals were communicating on, according to former officials.
U.S. spy agencies developed good intelligence on WikiLeaks associates’ “patterns of life,” particularly their travels within Europe, said a former national security official. U.S. intelligence was particularly keen on information documenting travel by WikiLeaks associates to Russia or countries in Russia’s orbit, according to the former official.
Time to get nasty
At the CIA, the new designation meant Assange and WikiLeaks would go from “a target of collection to a target of disruption,” said a former senior CIA official. Proposals began percolating upward within the CIA and the NSC to undertake various disruptive activities — the core of “offensive counterintelligence” — against WikiLeaks. These included paralyzing its digital infrastructure, disrupting its communications, provoking internal disputes within the organization by planting damaging information, and stealing WikiLeaks members’ electronic devices, according to three former officials.
Infiltrating the group, either with a real person or by inventing a cyber persona to gain the group’s confidence, was quickly dismissed as unlikely to succeed because the senior WikiLeaks figures were so security-conscious, according to former intelligence officials. Sowing discord within the group seemed an easier route to success, in part because “those guys hated each other and fought all the time,” a former intelligence official said.
But many of the other ideas were “not ready for prime time,” said the former intelligence official.
“Some dude affiliated with WikiLeaks was moving around the world, and they wanted to go steal his computer because they thought he might have” Vault 7 files, said the former official.
The official was unable to identify that individual. But some of these proposals may have been eventually approved. In December 2020, a German hacker closely affiliated with WikiLeaks who assisted with the Vault 7 publications claimed that there had been an attempt to break into his apartment, which he had secured with an elaborate locking system. The hacker, Andy Müller-Maguhn, also said he had been tailed by mysterious figures and that his encrypted telephone had been bugged.
Asked whether the CIA had broken into WikiLeaks’ associates’ homes and stolen or wiped their hard drives, a former intelligence official declined to go into detail but said that “some actions were taken.”
By the summer of 2017, the CIA’s proposals were setting off alarm bells at the National Security Council. “WikiLeaks was a complete obsession of Pompeo’s,” said a former Trump administration national security official. “After Vault 7, Pompeo and [Deputy CIA Director Gina] Haspel wanted vengeance on Assange.”
At meetings between senior Trump administration officials after WikiLeaks started publishing the Vault 7 materials, Pompeo began discussing kidnaping Assange, according to four former officials. While the notion of kidnaping Assange preceded Pompeo’s arrival at Langley, the new director championed the proposals, according to former officials.
Pompeo and others at the agency proposed abducting Assange from the embassy and surreptitiously bringing him back to the United States via a third country — a process known as rendition. The idea was to “break into the embassy, drag [Assange] out and bring him to where we want,” said a former intelligence official. A less extreme version of the proposal involved U.S. operatives snatching Assange from the embassy and turning him over to British authorities.
Such actions were sure to create a diplomatic and political firestorm, as they would have involved violating the sanctity of the Ecuadorian Embassy before kidnaping the citizen of a critical U.S. partner — Australia — in the capital of the United Kingdom, the United States’ closest ally. Trying to seize Assange from an embassy in the British capital struck some as “ridiculous,” said the former intelligence official. “This isn’t Pakistan or Egypt — we’re talking about London.”
Kidnap and render? No, said Brits
British acquiescence was far from assured. Former officials differ on how much the U.K. government knew about the CIA’s rendition plans for Assange, but at some point, American officials did raise the issue with their British counterparts.
“There was a discussion with the Brits about turning the other cheek or looking the other way when a team of guys went inside and did a rendition,” said a former senior counterintelligence official. “But the British said, ‘No way, you’re not doing that on our territory, that ain’t happening.’” The British Embassy in Washington did not return a request for comment.
In addition to diplomatic concerns about rendition, some NSC officials believed that abducting Assange would be clearly illegal. “You can’t throw people in a car and kidnap them,” said a former national security official.
In fact, said this former official, for some NSC personnel, “This was the key question: Was it possible to render Assange under [the CIA’s] offensive counterintelligence” authorities? In this former official’s thinking, those powers were meant to enable traditional spy-versus-spy activities, “not the same kind of crap we pulled in the war on terror.”
Some discussions even went beyond kidnaping. U.S. officials had also considered killing Assange, according to three former officials. One of those officials said he was briefed on a spring 2017 meeting in which the president asked whether the CIA could assassinate Assange and provide him “options” for how to do so.
“It was viewed as unhinged and ridiculous,” recalled this former senior CIA official of the suggestion.
It’s unclear how serious the proposals to kill Assange really were. “I was told they were just spitballing,” said a former senior counterintelligence official briefed on the discussions about “kinetic options” regarding the WikiLeaks founder. “It was just Trump being Trump."
Nonetheless, at roughly the same time, agency executives requested and received “sketches” of plans for killing Assange and other Europe-based WikiLeaks members who had access to Vault 7 materials, said a former intelligence official. There were discussions “on whether killing Assange was possible and whether it was legal,” the former official said.
Yahoo News could not confirm if these proposals made it to the White House. Some officials with knowledge of the rendition proposals said they had heard no discussions about assassinating Assange.
Trump sympathizes with Assange
In a statement to Yahoo News, Trump denied that he ever considered having Assange assassinated. “It’s totally false, it never happened,” he said. Trump seemed to express some sympathy for Assange’s plight. “In fact, I think he’s been treated very badly,” he added.
Whatever Trump’s view of the matter at the time, his NSC lawyers were bulwarks against the CIA’s potentially illegal proposals, according to former officials. “While people think the Trump administration didn’t believe in the rule of law, they had good lawyers who were paying attention to it,” said a former senior intelligence official.
The rendition talk deeply alarmed some senior administration officials. John Eisenberg, the top NSC lawyer, and Michael Ellis, his deputy, worried that “Pompeo is advocating things that are not likely to be legal,” including “rendition-type activity,” said a former national security official. Eisenberg wrote to CIA General Counsel Courtney Simmons Elwood expressing his concerns about the agency’s WikiLeaks-related proposals, according to another Trump national security official.
It’s unclear how much Elwood knew about the proposals. “When Pompeo took over, he cut the lawyers out of a lot of things,” said a former senior intelligence community attorney.
Pompeo’s ready access to the Oval Office, where he would meet with Trump alone, exacerbated the lawyers’ fears. Eisenberg fretted that the CIA director was leaving those meetings with authorities or approvals signed by the president that Eisenberg knew nothing about, according to former officials.
NSC officials also worried about the timing of the potential Assange kidnaping. Discussions about rendering Assange occurred before the Justice Department filed any criminal charges against him, even under seal — meaning that the CIA could have kidnaped Assange from the embassy without any legal basis to try him in the United States.
Indictments as means to block CIA
Eisenberg urged Justice Department officials to accelerate their drafting of charges against Assange, in case the CIA’s rendition plans moved forward, according to former officials. The White House told Attorney General Jeff Sessions that if prosecutors had grounds to indict Assange they should hurry up and do so, according to a former senior administration official.
Things got more complicated in May 2017, when the Swedes dropped their rape investigation into Assange, who had always denied the allegations. White House officials developed a backup plan: The British would hold Assange on a bail jumping charge, giving Justice Department prosecutors a 48-hour delay to rush through an indictment.
Eisenberg was concerned about the legal implications of rendering Assange without criminal charges in place, according to a former national security official. Absent an indictment, where would the agency bring him, said another former official who attended NSC meetings on the topic. “Were we going to go back to ‘black sites’?”
As U.S. officials debated the legality of kidnaping Assange, they came to believe that they were racing against the clock. Intelligence reports warned that Russia had its own plans to sneak the WikiLeaks leader out of the embassy and fly him to Moscow, according to Evanina, the top U.S. counterintelligence official from 2014 through early 2021.
The United States “had exquisite collection of his plans and intentions,” said Evanina. “We were very confident that we were able to mitigate any of those [escape] attempts.”
Officials became particularly concerned when suspected Russian operatives in diplomatic vehicles near the Ecuadorian Embassy were observed practicing a “starburst” maneuver, a common tactic for spy services, whereby multiple operatives suddenly scatter to escape surveillance, according to former officials. This may have been a practice run for an exfiltration, potentially coordinated with the Ecuadorians, to get Assange out of the embassy and whisk him out of the country, U.S. officials believed.
“The Ecuadorians would tip off the Russians that they were going to be releasing Assange on the street, and then the Russians would pick him up and spirit him back to Russia,” said a former national security official.
CIA shoot-em-ups in London
Officials developed multiple tactical plans to thwart any Kremlin attempt to spring Assange, some of which envisioned clashes with Russian operatives in the British capital. “There could be anything from a fistfight to a gunfight to cars running into each other,” said a former senior Trump administration official.
U.S. officials disagreed over how to interdict Assange if he attempted to escape. A proposal to initiate a car crash to halt Assange’s vehicle was not only a “borderline” or “extralegal” course of action — “something we’d do in Afghanistan, but not in the U.K.” — but was also particularly sensitive since Assange was likely going to be transported in a Russian diplomatic vehicle, said a former national security official.
If the Russians managed to get Assange onto a plane, U.S. or British operatives would prevent it from taking off by blocking it with a car on the runway, hovering a helicopter over it or shooting out its tires, according to a former senior Trump administration official. In the unlikely event that the Russians succeeded in getting airborne, officials planned to ask European countries to deny the plane overflight rights, the former official said.
Eventually, the United States and the U.K. developed a “joint plan” to prevent Assange from absconding and giving Vladimir Putin the sort of propaganda coup he had enjoyed when Snowden fled to Russia in 2013, Evanina said.
“It’s not just him getting to Moscow and taking secrets,” he said. “The second wind that Putin would get — he gets Snowden and now he gets Assange — it becomes a geopolitical win for him and his intelligence services.”
Evanina declined to comment on the plans to prevent Assange from escaping to Russia, but he suggested that the “Five Eyes” intelligence alliance between the United States, the U.K., Canada, Australia and New Zealand was critical. “We were very confident within the Five Eyes that we would be able to prevent him from going there,” he said.
But testimony in a Spanish criminal investigation strongly suggests that U.S. intelligence may also have had inside help keeping tabs on Assange’s plans.
By late 2015, Ecuador had hired a Spanish security company called UC Global to protect the country’s London embassy, where Assange had already spent several years running WikiLeaks from his living quarters. Unbeknownst to Ecuador, however, by mid-2017 UC Global was also working for U.S. intelligence, according to two former employees who testified in a Spanish criminal investigation first reported by the newspaper El País.
The Spanish firm was providing U.S. intelligence agencies with detailed reports of Assange’s activities and visitors as well as video and audio surveillance of Assange from secretly installed devices in the embassy, the employees testified. A former U.S. national security official confirmed that U.S. intelligence had access to video and audio feeds of Assange within the embassy but declined to specify how it acquired them.
By December 2017, the plan to get Assange to Russia appeared to be ready. UC Global had learned that Assange would “receive a diplomatic passport from Ecuadorian authorities, with the aim of leaving the embassy to transit to a third state,” a former employee said. On Dec. 15, Ecuador made Assange an official diplomat of that country and planned to assign him to its embassy in Moscow, according to documents obtained by the Associated Press.
I didn't know, says Assange
Assange said he “was not aware” of the plan struck by the Ecuadorian foreign minister to assign him to Moscow, and refused to “accept that assignment,” said Fidel Narvaez, who was the first secretary at the Ecuadorian Embassy in London in 2017 and 2018.
Narvaez told Yahoo News that he was directed by his superiors to try to have Assange accredited as a diplomat to the London embassy. “However, Ecuador did have a plan B,” said Narvaez, “and I understood it was to be Russia.”
Aitor Martínez, a Spanish lawyer for Assange who worked closely with Ecuador on getting Assange his diplomat status, also said the Ecuadorian foreign minister presented the Russia assignment to Assange as a fait accompli — and that Assange, when he heard about it, immediately rejected the idea.
On Dec. 21, the Justice Department secretly charged Assange, increasing the chances of legal extradition to the United States. That same day, UC Global recorded a meeting held between Assange and the head of Ecuador’s intelligence service to discuss Assange’s escape plan, according to El País. “Hours after the meeting” the U.S. ambassador relayed his knowledge of the plan to his Ecuadorian counterparts, reported El País.
Martínez says the plan — organized by the head of Ecuadorian intelligence — to sneak Assange out of the London embassy and onward, as a diplomat, to a third country was canceled after they learned the Americans were aware of it.
But U.S. intelligence officials believed Russia planned to exfiltrate Assange, reportedly on Christmas Eve. According to the former UC Global employee, the company’s boss discussed with his American contacts the possibility of leaving the embassy door open, as if by accident, “which would allow persons to enter from outside the embassy and kidnap the asylee.”
Borrowing a leaf from the Russians
In testimony first reported in the Guardian, another idea also took shape. “Even the possibility of poisoning Mr. Assange was discussed,” the employee said his boss told him.
Even Assange appeared to fear assassination. Some Vault 7 material, which CIA officials believed to be even more damaging than the files WikiLeaks had published, had been distributed among Assange’s colleagues with instructions to publish it if one of them were killed, according to U.S. officials.
A primary question for U.S. officials was whether any CIA plan to kidnap or potentially kill Assange was legal. The discussions occurred under the aegis of the agency’s new “offensive counterintelligence” authorities, according to former officials. Some officials thought this was a highly aggressive, and likely legally transgressive, interpretation of these powers.
Without a presidential finding — the directive used to justify covert operations — assassinating Assange or other WikiLeaks members would be illegal, according to several former intelligence officials. In some situations, even a finding is not sufficient to make an action legal, said a former national security official. The CIA’s newfound offensive counterintelligence powers regarding WikiLeaks would not have stretched to assassination. “That kind of lethal action would be way outside of a legitimate intelligence or counterintelligence activity,” a former senior intelligence community lawyer said.
In the end, the assassination discussions went nowhere, said former officials.
The idea of killing Assange “didn’t get serious traction,” said a former senior CIA official. “It was, this is a crazy thing that wastes our time.”
Inside the White House, Pompeo’s impassioned arguments on WikiLeaks were making little headway. The director’s most aggressive proposals were “probably taken seriously” in Langley but not within the NSC, a former national security official said.
Even Sessions, Trump’s “very, very anti-Assange” attorney general, was opposed to the CIA’s encroachment onto Justice Department territory, and believed that the WikiLeaks founder’s case was best handled through legal channels, said the former official.
Would CIA tactics pollute U.S. case?
Sessions’ concerns mirrored the tensions between the ramped-up intelligence collection and disruption efforts aimed at WikiLeaks, and the Justice Department’s goal of convicting Assange in open court, according to former officials. The more aggressive the CIA’s proposals became, the more other U.S. officials worried about what the discovery process might reveal if Assange were to face trial in the United States.
“I was part of every one of those conversations,” Evanina said. “As much as we had the greener light to go do things, everything we did or wanted to do had repercussions in other parts of the administration.” As a result, he said, sometimes administration officials would ask the intelligence community to either not do something or do it differently, so that “we don’t have to sacrifice our collection that’s going to be released publicly by the bureau to indict WikiLeaks.”
Eventually, those within the administration arguing for an approach based in the courts, rather than on espionage and covert action, won the policy debate. On April 11, 2019, after Ecuador’s new government revoked his asylum and evicted him, British police carried the WikiLeaks founder out of the embassy and arrested him for failing to surrender to the court over a warrant issued in 2012. The U.S. government unsealed its initial indictment of Assange the same day.
That indictment focused exclusively on allegations that in 2010, Assange offered to help Manning, the Army intelligence analyst, crack a password to break into a classified U.S. government network, an act that would have gone beyond journalism. But in a move that drew howls from press advocates, prosecutors later tacked on Espionage Act charges against Assange for publishing classified information — something that U.S. media outlets do regularly.
Assange’s legal odyssey appears to have only just begun. In January, a British judge ruled Assange could not be extradited to the United States, finding that he would be a suicide risk in a U.S. prison. Although Assange supporters hoped the Biden administration might drop the case, the United States, undeterred, appealed the decision. In July, a U.K. court formally permitted the U.S. appeal to proceed.
Will top U.S. spooks be called by defense?
Pollack, Assange’s lawyer, told Yahoo News that if Assange is extradited to face trial, “the extreme nature of the type of government misconduct that you’re reporting would certainly be an issue and potentially grounds for dismissal.” He likened the measures used to target Assange to those deployed by the Nixon administration against Daniel Ellsberg for leaking the Pentagon Papers, noting the charges against Ellsberg were ultimately dismissed.
Meanwhile, WikiLeaks may be increasingly obsolete. The growing ability of groups and individuals — whistleblowers or dissidents, spies or criminals — to publish leaked materials online diminishes the group’s raison d’être. “We’re kind of post-WikiLeaks right now,” said a former senior counterintelligence official.
Yet spy services are increasingly using a WikiLeaks-like model of posting stolen materials online. In 2018, the Trump administration granted the CIA aggressive new secret authorities to undertake the same sort of hack-and-dump operations for which Russian intelligence has [reportedly] used WikiLeaks [1]. Among other actions, the agency has used its new powers to covertly release information online about a Russian company that worked with Moscow’s spy apparatus.
For a former Trump national security official, the lessons of the CIA’s campaign against WikiLeaks are clear. “There was an inappropriate level of attention to Assange given the embarrassment, not the threat he posed in context,” said this official.
“We should never act out of a desire for revenge.”
1. The Clinton campaign fought back against Wikileaks by having Obama CIA chief John Brennan and other officials claim that the leaks that embarrassed her campaign appeared to be Russian disinformation. No proof that this is the case has been put forward. Still, there is no reason to think that foreign agents don't often try to plant stolen secret materials in the U.S. press and other media in furtherance of their government's foreign policy.Yahoo News controls rights to this report, which News of the World reprints in furtherance of a crucial issue of American liberty. Assange's politics or personality is not the real issue. Your liberty is the issue.
Is Tornado Alley shifting east? Experts seem to think so. Climate change is deemed responsible.
An incredible funnel cloud storm system swept up Friday evening from East Arkansas north through the Missouri Ozarks and northeast to Kentucky, with a small spur shooting northeast to an Amazon warehouse near St. Louis. The twisters that touched down -- including a mammoth one that devastated towns along a 200-mile path into west Kentucky -- left a big toll of death and misery in their wake. Curiously, the killer tornados did not achieve the highest wind velocity rating of F5. They were EF3 or lower. But what the killer twisters lacked in vortex speed, they generally made up for in the power stemming from their gigantic sizes.
A CNN weather map shows the formative stages of the ferocious twister system that was about to ensue.
Even today, a number of fading survivors and bodies may still lie under rubble in a string of pulverized towns.
The storm system flew rapidly above much of the Ozarks, but became much more dangerous as it encountered flatter countryside well east of Springfield and into Kentucky. The bulk of the system seems to have followed a northeasterly line from the lower Ozarks to Kentucky, while another branch shot north toward St. Louis.
But Friday's twister mayhem cannot definitively be ascribed to climate change, though those of us who live in Missouri, west Kentucky, west Tennessee and south Illinois may well be in for more twister touchdowns in future years. Still, the December storm system was certainly far from a routine affair, as explained by WDRB's meteorologist, Hannah Strong:
WHAT HAPPENED
In the upper levels of the atmosphere, the jet stream was moving at roughly 140 mph above our heads as a jet streak was developing. A jet streak is an area of stronger wind embedded within the overall flow pattern. That jet streak created significant movement in the atmosphere.
The low level jet was CRANKING up to 95 mph less than a mile above our heads. With such strong upward motion in the atmosphere, all you need to do is get a small horizontal roll to develop closer to the surface and you will have a tornado. With both speed and directional shear, those horizontal rolls materialized and were picked up by the updrafts of these supercell storms.
A weather map from WDRB shows the dynamics of the storm system's formation.
The wind at the surface was moving in from the south bringing temperatures and dewpoints into the lower 60s as we moved toward midnight. That's true in central Kentucky, but in western Kentucky the wind direction curved slightly. Observations last night suggest the wind might have been coming more out of the south/southwest and curved back to the south. Those small disturbances in wind direction and speed are all that's needed to create rotation for a tornado. After the supercell formed in Arkansas, it moved through untouched air until it got to us. That's warm, moist air that was still getting warmer and more saturated even into the evening. That is gasoline to a supercell, so it continued to feed until it got to central Kentucky. That was a region that had already seen rain and storms within the last several hours, so it cut off some of that fuel supply and the storm changed a bit.
HOW UNUSUAL
We have actually seen tornadoes in Kentucky in December before. This link lists all December tornadoes for our area. The strongest was an F3 in Perry county (Indiana) but it crossed through Daviess county (Kentucky). That happened on Dec. 9, 1952. Ohio County, Ky, saw an F2 on Dec. 4, 1916. In 2018 we had an EF1 tornado in Harrison County, Ind., but the most recent December tornado in Kentucky was an EF1 in 2013. There were actually three EF1 tornadoes in Kentucky on Dec. 8, 2013. If any of the tornadoes in our area on Friday night are stronger than an EF3, that will be the strongest December storm for us. [The two tornado wind scale abbreviations stand for Fujita scale and Enhanced Fujita scale, which replaced the Fujita scale in 2007.]
Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) bashed omicron variant-based travel restrictions today, saying that “the travel bans aren't going to work” to prevent the variant's spread.
“The travel bans aren't going to work. The new variant is in over half of the states in our country. It's in 40 different countries. There's no travel ban that's going to stop this,” Paul said in an interview with John Catsimatidis on WABC 770 AM.
“We don't even yet know whether it's a good or a bad thing," Paul added, referring to the variant. "And if it turns out that it's much less dangerous, and it crowds out the delta variant, it might be a blessing in disguise."
He also said that “restrictions on our liberties” were not science-based, but “based on whims.”
“They're based on basically [Anthony] Fauci’s impulse to authoritarianism is what I call it,” Paul said. “His gut reaction — his immediate knee jerk reaction to everything is to take away your liberty. I mean, look, all they had to hear was a sniff of this new variant from South Africa. And they're freaking out with all the new things they're going to require you to do.”The Hill controls rights to this excerpt, which is reproduced because of the overriding importance of the danger to liberty posed by covid authoritarianism.
Now that resident aliens and other non-citizens have been given the right to vote in New York City elections, New Yorkers face the prospect of Beijing flooding the city with Chinese willing to follow Beijing's orders on whom to vote for. Such block voting would be irresistable to the Chinese communists. Also, the new wave of Chinese would bring more pressure to bear on Chinese Americans living in the city's Chinatowns to get in step with Beijing, a pressure they already have to deal with.
Something is seriously amiss when federal officials offer hand-waving excuses for pushing more covid shots. They have now descended into the dark world of iffy conjectures, which they then twist into "expert" opinions.
These officials don't get it: Nobody believes them anymore. How many times can they cry "Wolf!" and expect to retain their credibility?
Ellen Petersen Haygood, left, and her sister Julianne Petersen handle many of the female lead vocals for the Petersens, a task they share with their sister Katie. All excell as singers and on their instruments: banjo, mando and five-string fiddle.
LATEST BUZZ ON AN EXCITING BLUEGRASS FUSION BAND
The Petersens, an Ozarks bluegrass band with a worldwide Youtube following, is bringing a lively Christmas show to sellout crowds in the Dallas-Fort Worth area.
The band specializes in "American roots" music, blending the old and the new into what some see as a new genre in the making. Their gaiety keeps crowds smiling and tapping their feet to the well-crafted performances, which are well-known for their family-pleaser style.
Christmas With The Petersens will be showing at the Palace Arts Center, Grapevine, at 7 p.m. on Saturday, Dec, 18, and at 3 p.m. and again at 7:30 p.m. on Sunday, Dec. 19.
All shows are scheduled for an hour and a half. Many tickets, priced at $28 a seat, have already been sold.
The youthful band is supported by their mother, Karen Petersen, who plays bass fiddle. She has a large following known as the "Get It Mama Fan Club."
Don't let their youthfulness fool you. These bandmates always put out a tight, top-notch performance.
As of Dec. 10,
Saturday's performance has three adjacent
seats left in the left upper balcony.
Sunday afternoon's performance has a block of six seats and three adjacent seats available in the left upper balcony.
Sunday evening's performance has a block of 22 seats available in the left upper balcony, 18 in the right upper balcony and three in the right floor wing.
(The balcony extends a considerable distance above the floor.)
The few remaining tickets may be purchased by using THIS LINK.
From left: Emmett Franz (dobro); Julianne (mandolin), Katie (fiddle); and Karen Petersen (bass); and Ellen Haygood Petersen (banjo).
From left: Ellen (banjo), Julianne (harmonica), Katie (fiddle) and Matt (guitar).
From left: Emmett, Katie, Ellen, Karen, Julianne and Matt.
EXCITING BLUEGRASS FUSION BAND MAKES WAVES
The Petersens, a fun-loving family bluegrass band, is making waves in Nashville and elsewhere, as we see from the following buzz in Bluegrass Today.
The Centers for Disease Control denies that it has any data at all on unvaccinated people who have been infected with covid and then been reinfected. In other words, it has done no studies, nor gleaned information from other institutions, that would indicate whether natural immunity is effective in curbing the spread of covid.
Hence, millions of Americans are being mandated to "get the jab or lose the job" based on evidence with a gigantic hole in it. That CDC and the rest of the federal health system would be so lackadaisical about gathering such data is worse than appalling. It smacks of conspiracy, with Anthony Fauci, MD, as one of the ringleaders.
Now if -- a very unlikely if -- federal health agencies kept track of this data but simply found no case of a once-infected person being reinfected, that would be very strong proof that the government knew that natural immunity is highly effective for covid, but didn't want the American people to know. Again, smacks of conspiracy.
What do they do with homeless people? Shoot 'em?
Hayley Hodgson, 26, moved to Darwin from Melbourne to escape the never-ending lockdowns — only to find herself locked up in a covid concentration camp without ever having contracted the disease.
Hodgson says that, soon after arrival at the covid concentration camp, she tested negative for covid. She asked when she could leave. "Fourteen days," snapped the matron. In other words, a negative test did not mean she could go home. Once there, quarantine was mandatory. Hodgson, who was charged with no crime, was also told that if she complained too vigorously, she would be locked up again and held for longer.
She was disciplined and threatened with a $5,000 fine for failing to wear a mask outside her small quarters at the concentration camp, even though she is medically exempt from wearing a mask.
Concentration camp guards offered Hodgson valium in order to relieve her claustrophobia in her tiny space. Concentration camp authorities had made no provision for outdoor exercise for the citizens, who were treated very much like prisoners.
The controls are very strict and their is obviously obnoxious police surveillance of inmates.
She had never had covid, and tested negative three times at the camp. She was arrested and considered a covid suspect because she had been in contact with someone who had had covid. Upon leaving the camp, Hodgson found that she no longer had a job, as she had been working daily on a casual basis.
All this is rather puzzling, as she had just been released from another stay in a covid prison. It's as if authorities had their eyes on her as a troublemaker and were determined to use the state of emergency to infringe on her freedom of speech.
She admitted to having lied to police about having been tested for covid, explaining that when they confronted her she was petrified. Later, in the concentration camp, she was explicitly told by health officials that they strongly suspected she had been locked up -- no trial, no charge -- for lying. She wasn't there for covid at all.
She reports that she was granted no access to a lawyer, informed about her rights or given any due process of law at all.
"You're in a box. Your mind's going a million miles an hour," she said in explaining why prisoners try to escape. "It's just horrible what they're putting people through."
Citing Hodgson's right to privacy, Australian authorities slammed the lid on her case, refusing to discuss whether it was considered a medical case or an emergency powers behavior case.
acTVism Munich, which has mounted a vigorous defense of Julian Assange's free press rights, is being choked to death by YouTube. The group is appealing for funds that are being effectively denied by Big Tech meddling.
Big Tech is striving to stifle defense of free press rights by strangulation of supporter groups. Why? In the Assange matter, it is not a question of Big Tech muzzling Trump supporters who are using their utilities. If these utilities -- posing as legitimate mass media -- are not subject to public regulation, then plainly they have a right to strangle pro-Trump content. So it appears that Youtube and other media are within their rights to stifle critics of the CIA-Justice Dept. campaign to have Assange imprisoned. After all, Assange hurt the Democratic Party and helped put Trump into office by publishing secrets. Oh wait? Isn't that the sort of thing "legitimate media" once did routinely? Well anyway, good riddance. Who likes an egomaniac, they doubtless say over at Alphabet, Youtube's parent firm.
Somehow it doesn't dawn on these (media? utility?) execs that they are betraying their own right to determine what or what not to permit in their platforms. If Assange loses, so does the First Amendment. The precedent will have been set permitting the government to charge Google or Youtube execs with violating the espionage act and with cyber-terrorism if something shows up that makes some Deep State security guru wrinkle his/her nose. These Big Techies don't give a darn that they're taking such a risk. Maybe it is because they have already been stricken with a severe case of CCGS (communist China greed syndrome).
Below is acTVism Munich's appeal for funds.
We are thankful for your one-time donations. However it is only monthly supporters which will enable us to continue our operations in 2022.
Why should you support us on a monthly basis?
Today we launch our crowdfunding campaign with the goal of continuing our independent and non-profit journalism for 2022. This campaign will end on January 7, 2021. The goal of this campaign is to attract over 1000 monthly donors to support our journalism with as little as $5 per month to help us cover our operating costs for 2022. Right now we only have 200 monthly donors.
The Corona crisis and
the fact that YouTube is limiting our reach has put us in a very difficult situation that is negatively impacting our donations. Since our inception in 2014, we have been gaining new subscribers every month. Our videos were being suggested by YouTube to new audiences. However, this trend reversed from October last year: Our videos are rarely, if ever, suggested to new viewers and in 2021 this trend only worsened. We are not gaining any new subscribers, which is unprecedented given our previous growth.
To overcome these obstacles, today we not only launched a new website but also created alternative social media channels on Telegram and Rumble.
Last but not least, the Corona crisis is having a significant impact on our economy and is negatively affecting our donations. Both our one-time and monthly donations are below our monthly operating costs, and if we continue this trend, we will have to cease operations in the summer of 2022.
We need your support now more than ever before. We would like to continue covering the most pressing issues of our society not being adequately covered by corporate media. This includes our regular reporting on press freedom cases – especially on Julian Assange. A true and vibrant democracy can only function when individuals collectively understand the value of an independent and free press – the fourth estate – and protect it with vigor. Your support will be essential in order to uphold the foundations of a free press. To find out how to participate in our Campaign, check out the donation options in the description of this video. Thank you for your love and generosity!
